The guardian top 5 corrupt sons of politicians
However, it is no longer the beacon of democracy and tolerance that many world leaders proclaim it to be. Indonesia’s transition to democracy has been far more successful than neighbouring Myanmar and Thailand - or most of the Arab Spring nations. The arrival of freedom of speech and association has allowed all sorts of civil society groups to flourish, including hard-line Islamists who have reignited long-running debates about the role of Islam in the state and society. Yet the price of a mostly smooth and peaceful transition has been to leave Suharto-era figures and institutions with a seat at the table of power. By opting for a process of graduated change from within rather than a revolution, Indonesia avoided the immense bloodshed and extreme uncertainty that would have accompanied efforts to truly dismantle the ancien regime. Many of the challenges to democracy in Indonesia today stem from the ‘original sin’ of reformasi, the reform movement that gave birth to the modern Indonesian state. It is important, however, to see recent trends in the context of Indonesia’s history and the difficulties of moving from authoritarianism to democracy. Academics and human rights activists are right to raise the alarm about the backward steps on Jokowi’s watch, which come at a time when democratic ideals and practices are being eroded across the world. Now, Indonesian politics looks more like a story of “resilient elections, defective democracy”.īuilding a democracy in a vast, multi-ethnic, multi-religious nation is not a linear process that can be assessed by a simple measure of progress versus regression. Ī decade ago, Rizal Sukma, one of Indonesia’s most eminent policy analysts (and the current ambassador to the United Kingdom), published a paper arguing that the country’s politics were characterised by “defective elections, resilient democracy”. And, surrounded by powerful former generals, he has countenanced an expanding role for the military in politics, threatening to undermine the reforms that followed the fall of Suharto in 1998. Jokowi has blinked in the face of opposition from conservative Islamic groups, legitimising anti-pluralistic views that undermine the rights of Indonesia’s minorities and galvanising the rise of divisive identity politics. Law enforcement has become politicised, with government critics arrested and jailed on questionable charges. Ironically, however, Jokowi, as he is known, has allowed human rights, the rule of law, and the protection of minorities to weaken since he was elected in 2014. Encouragingly, a new generation of hard-working, more responsive local leaders is now looking to follow his lead. President Joko Widodo’s rise to power from obscurity illustrated the genuinely competitive nature of the electoral system. Just over 20 years after the fall of Suharto’s long-ruling authoritarian regime, free, fair, and peaceful elections have become the norm in Indonesia. There are more than 245 000 candidates running for over 20 000 seats in what may be the most complicated single-day election the world has ever seen. Indonesians will be voting for the upper and lower houses of the national parliament, as well as provincial and district legislatures. For the first time, this election will be held on the same day as the legislative elections. On 17 April, 193 million Indonesians will enter more than 800 000 polling stations spread over hundreds of islands to choose their leader in the world’s biggest direct presidential election. As Indonesia faces growing challenges, its future will be defined by how the next generation of leaders use the powerful mandate of electoral victory to overcome those who are seeking to stymie much-needed reforms and undermine democratic norms. A bitter form of religion-based identity politics seems to be embedded in the system. On his watch, human rights, the rule of law, and the protection of minorities have all weakened. Jokowi, as he is known, has sought compromises with corrupt politicians and intolerant religious leaders, and surrounded himself with former generals with little commitment to democratic principles. Yet, he has proven to be a poor guardian of democracy. President Joko Widodo, who is the favourite to be elected again in April, rose to power thanks to the competitive nature of Indonesian elections. However, while its electoral procedures are robust, Indonesian democracy is increasingly defective in other areas. Successive governments have built one of the most important foundations of a successful democracy: free, fair, and peaceful elections. On the eve of historic elections, a conundrum lies at the heart of Indonesian politics.